The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was seen as arguably the most significant incumbents of the vice-presidency in American history. While countless second-in-commands were limited to marginal or ceremonial functions, Cheney held enormous influence during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was often referred to as the "actual president".
Bush resented that description and claimed the connection was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, invariably calling him in public settings as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush challenged even descriptions of their partnership as a team because it indicated that they were on equal footing. In spite of such protestations, Cheney considered the laidback president malleable on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
A Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a group of neo-conservatives that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a session at a school in Florida. As Bush made his way to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the downing of any non-communicating planes approaching the US Capitol.
Cheney said the assaults altered his perspective, causing him to be intent on retribution. Along with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Policies
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the enhanced interrogation of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on inaccurate information circulated by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It represented the correct action to do back then. I believed it back then and I maintain that stance presently."
Yet even then, there were opposing views at a senior level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I saw, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, carelessness, and unaccountability: potentially, deception, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had drafted a memorandum setting out situations in which American interests might be threatened (including "obtaining essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be positioned to take unilateral action when collective action cannot be orchestrated," specifically referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush additionally had entered the White House vaguely intent on executing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been sacked by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of reducing America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a scheme to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his predecessor's visage that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement behind invading Iraq, consistently referencing information documents that were either insubstantial or completely inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush government politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of simulated drowning and torture.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and create programmes to catch the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in nicknames imposed on him by critics such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that nobody ever sees emerge from his hole? That is a nice way to function, actually."
Commercial Ties
Controversy over his corporate affiliations followed him during his tenure as VP. While he had minimal expertise in commerce but strong connections in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial petroleum companies, in 1995 as leader and CEO.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the executive branch. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US deals totaling substantial sums.
It made him rich. His yearly compensation during his period at the company grew from his previous salary during his time as defence secretary to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a package worth in excess of $20m|twenty
